IN THE MALAWI SUPREME COURT OF APPEAL
AT BLANTYRE
MSCA CIVIL APPEAL NO. 20 OF 2000
Being Lilongwe District Registry
Civil Cause No. IB of 1999)
BETWEEN:
GWANDA
CHAKUAMBA
1ST APPELLANT
- and -
KAMLEPO
KALUA
..2ND APPELLANT
- and -
BISHOP
D. KAMFOSI MNKHUMBWE
3RD APPELLANT
- and -
THE
ATTORNEY GENERAL
..1ST RESPONDENT
- and
MALAWI
ELECTORAL COMMISSION
2ND RESPONDENT
- and -
THE
UNITED DEMOCRATIC FRONT
...3RD RESPONDENT
BEFORE- THE HONOURABLE
THE CHIEF JUSTICE
THE HONOURABLE MR.
JUSTICE UNYOLO, JA
THE HONOUR-ABLE MR.
JUSTICE MTEGHA, JA
THE HONOURABLE MR.
JUSTICE TAMBALA, JA
THE HONOURABLE MRS
JUSTICE MSOSA, JA
Stanbrook Q.C, Counsel
for the Appellants
Munlo, SC, Counsel for
the Appellants
Bazuka Mhango, Counsel
for the Appellants
Kaliwo, Counsel for the
Appellants
Henderson, Counsel for
the Appellants
Fachi, SC. Counsel for
the 1st Respondents
Matenje, Counsel for the
1st Respondents
Goudie Q.C, Counsel for
the 1st Respondents
Pit-Payne, Counsel for
the 1st Respondents
Kaphale, Counsel for the
2nd Respondents
Chisanga, Counsel for
the 2nd Respondents
Latif, Counsel for the
3rd Respondents
Maulidi, Counsel for the
3rd Respondents
Chirambo (Mrs), Official
Interpreter/Recorder
Mbwekwani (Mrs),
Official Interpreter/Recorder
Banda, C. J.
This is an appeal from the Ruling of Mtambo J, sitting at
the District Registry in Lilongwe. The Ruling was delivered on 19th May 2000.
The issue before the learned Judge in the lower court concerned the
interpretation of the provisions of section 80(2) of the Constitution.
The appellants were Presidential candidates in the
Presidential Elections held in June 1999 and they issued an election petition
which challenged the conduct of that election on a number of grounds. It was
however agreed by the parties that a preliminary issue should be argued first
and that further proceedings on the other grounds raised in the petition should
be stayed. The preliminary issue agree upon was stated in paragraph 9 of the
petition and was in the following terms:
"That the Commission unlawfully declared to have been elected
President a candidate who obtained a majority Of the votes at the poll instead
of a majority of the Electorate."
The
petitioners prayed for order to nullify the Presidential election. The matter
was held before Mtambo J, on 17th and 18th April 2000. The issue raised was
solely directed at the true and proper interpretation of section 80(2) of the
Constitution and section 96(5) of the Presidential and Parliamentary Election
Act (hereinafter referred to as the PPE Act). The appellants have contended
that the requirement for electing the President of the Republic by a majority
of the electorate is satisfied by a candidate who has obtained more than fifty
per cent plus one of the registered voters and not merely by a majority of the
votes cast at the poll.
This is a matter of great constitutional importance for
this country because the interpretation we give to the section will determine
the correct procedure that must be followed in future Presidential elections.
And in the determination of that issue we will have regard only to the law and
to the relevant facts. Section 10 of the Constitution provides that it is the
Constitution which is the supreme arbiter and ultimate authority in the
interpretation of all laws and in the resolution of political disputes. And our
concern here is strictly the interpretation of the law. Sub-section 2 further provides
that in the application and formulation of any Act of Parliament we must have
due regard to the principles and provisions of the Constitution. We shall
therefore consistently bear in our minds that it is the provisions of the
Constitution which will guide us on the kind of interpretation which we must
give to section 80(2) of the Constitution and section 96(5) of the PPE Act. We
shall also consider the principles of interpretation which have been cited to
us from Benion Statutory Interpretation 3rd Edition including some local and
foreign case law.
The Fundamental principles of the Constitution are
enshrined in Chapter III of the Constitution and they run from section 12 to
14. We have carefully considered these principles and have borne them in mind in
considering the case before us.
Section 11 of the Constitution expressly empowers this court to develop principles of interpretation to be applied in interpreting the Constitution. The principles that we develop must promote the values which underlie an open and democratic society; we must take full account of the provisions of the fundamental constitutional principles and the provisions on human rights. We are also expressly enjoined by the Constitution that where applicable we must have regard to current norms of public international law and comparable foreign case law. We arc aware that the principles of interpretation that we develop must be appropriate to the unique and supreme character of the Constitution. The Malawi Constitution is the supreme law of the country. We believe that the principles of interpretation that we develop must reinforce this fundamental character of the Constitution and promote the values of -,In open and democratic society which underpin the whole constitutional framework of Malawi. It is clear to us therefore that It is to the whole Constitution that we must look for guidance to discover how the framers of the Constitution intended to effectuate the general purpose of the Constitution. There is no doubt that the general purpose of the Constitution was to create a democratic framework where people would freely participate in the election of their government. It creates an open and democratic society.
The parties have agreed that the appeal -will be
argued on the same factual and legal basis as was argued in the lower court.
Mr. Stanbrook Counsel for the
appellants put the issue in the following terms:
"The issue before the learned judge as it is now before this Court,
relates to the construction of Section 80(2) of the Constitution."
That
section provides as follows:
"The President shall be' elected by a majority of the electorate
through direct universal and equal suffrage"
Mr. Stanbrook submitted that this provision was intended to
mean and should be interpreted to mean a majority of those entitled to vote.
The learned judge in the lower court found that the sectionwas intended to mean
that the requirement of section 80(2) is satiafied by a candidate who obtains
the majority of votes cast at the Poll.
The appellants contend that the learned judge was wrong both in principle and law in reaching that conclusion. Mr. Stanbrook has submitted that the provisions of section 80(2) of the Constitution and section 96(5) of the PPE Act posed a problem for the Electoral Commission because they appear to have recognised that there was a conflict between section 96(5) of the PPE Act and Section 80(2) of the Constitution. The appellants submit that the Electoral Commission having admitted that there was a conflict between the two provisions, chose to completely ignore the Constitution and declared Dr. Bakili Muluzi as duly elected. We must now look at the provisions of section 96(5) of the PPE Act. That Section provides as follows:-
"The
candidate who has obtained a majority of the votes at the poll shall be
declared by the Commission to have been duly elected."
The appellants have contended that the provisions of
section 96(5) of the PPE Act only applied to the first elections in 1994, but
concede that the system which that section provides is one of the
first-past-the-post. They submit however that for any future elections the
provisions of section 96(5) of the PPE Act would have to be read in conjunction
with section 80(2) of the Constitution. It is the contention of the appellants that
in view of the alleged conflict between section 80(2) of the Constitution and
Section 96(5) of the PPE Act the Electoral Commission should have resolved the
issue by reference to the Constitution and not by reference to the PPE Act. It
is further submitted by the appellants that in view of the provisions of
section 5 of the Constitution which declares the supremacy of the Constitution
the Electoral Commission's declaration of Dr. Bakili Muluzi as duly elected
was, in the opinion of the appellants, blatantly unconstitutional.
The appellants while agreeing with the judge's finding that
the words "through direct universal suffrage" must be read
conjunctively with "A President shall be elected by a majority of the
electorate" disagree that the first statement qualifies the word
electorate".
They therefore, submitted that the word "'electorate" is not and
could not be interpreted as to be qualified by the term "direct, universal
and equal suffrage". The appellants have subimitted that the word
"majority" in section 80(2) means those persons who have registered
as voters in an election considered as a group. They contend that there is no
reason why the meaning of a sterm so clear as "'electorate" should be
qualified to mean persons who will actually have voted an election. They have
further contended that the requirement of a majority of the electorate is not
satisfied by a majority of those actually voting. They cited two cases coining
from State Supreme Courts in the United States of America. The first case is
Clayton v Hill a 1922 decision of the Supreme Court of Kansas reported in
volume 27 of the Pacific Reporter at page 771. In that case the court was
called upon to interpret a statutory provision which stated as follows:
"No bonds shall be issued except upon a vote of two thirds of the
majority of the qualified electors of such a city."
In that case the requirement of two-thirds of the qualified e1ectors was held not to be met by two-thirds majority of those voting. The Supreme Court of Kansas was right in interpreting that provision strictly because the legislation itself had affirmatively and clearly shown a different intention. It is interesting to note that the same court also stated in the same case the following principle:
"Where a
popular vote is required to authorise certain action, a majority of those
actually voting is regarded as sufficient for the purpose unless the statute
affirmatively and clearly shows a different intention."
The
court in that case gave effect to a different intention which had been a
affirmatively and clearly shown. Again in the case of Gavin v City of Atlanta
which was also cited by the appellants is reported in volume 12 of the South
Eastern Reporter for 1890 at page 262. In that case, as in the Clayton v Hill
case the Supreme Court of Georgia decided that the number required should be
twothirds of all qualified voters and not merely two-thirds of those voting at
the election. But that case also stated the following principle:
"We admit the Common Law rule to be that where an election is held
and a majority of two-thirds vote is necessary the majority of two-thirds of
those voting at the election would be sufficient. But the authorities generally
concur that where the law prescribes bow the majority of twothirds shall be ascertained
that method prevails."
Here again as in the Clayton Case where a statute
prescribes a different intention which is affirmatively and clearly shown a
court will give effect to it. In fact the court there recognised that the
legislature had the authority to prescribe the test for ascertaining the
necessary majority. It should be noted that the Gavin Case was decided in 1890.
So too in the case of The State v Gaines a 1925 decision and is reported in the
Pacific Reporter at page 12. That case involved the principle of a court giving
effect to the Clear intention of the Statute which specifically required
"a majority of the registered voters within the Municipality." The
Court in that case also stated inter alia:
"The repetition of the word registered is describing the voters concerned in disincorporation proceedings throughout the disincorporation statutes clearly shows the intention of the Legislature."
It is clear to us that the decisions in the Clayton v Hill and Gavin v City of Atlanta were, on the facts, correctly decided.
The appellants agreed with the judge in the court below in
the definition of the word "Suffrage"
which appears in section 80(2) which he says:
"The word
suffrage according to Oxford Advanced Learners Dictionary means the "'right
to vote in political election" and the words "direct, universal and
equal" are used to qualify suffrage in order to indicate that the right
,,to vote should be exercised directly and that it is of all the
electorate."
However
the appellants disagree with the Learned Judge when he saythat "this
necessarily entails actually exercising the right by actually voting".
They contend that it was a misapprehension on the part of the judge to say that
the right to vote necessarily entails actually voting. The appellants have
submitted that the right to vote implicit in section 80(2) includes the right
not to vote and that it counts and matters when someone chooses not to vote. We
find some difficulty In accepting this argument. We do not see how a vote which
is not used can count or matter. The appellants submitted that the judge's
finding that a right only counts when the holder of the right engages in a
positive act was contrary to the Constitution itself. They submitted that in
Malawi and other democracies where voting is not compulsory a person makes a
political choice whether he votes or not. The issue it seems to us is whether a
person who does not exercise the right to vote can be described as someone who
has taken part in the process of election in a direct manner. The appellants
contend that a person makes a political Choice even when he does not exercise
the right to choose.
That interpretation in our judgment, would appear to
contradict both the provisions of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and
the African Charter on Human and People's Rights. Article 21(3) of the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights states as follows:
"The will of the people shall be the basis of the authority of the
government; this will shall be expressed in periodic and genuine elections
which shall be by universal and equal suffrage and shall be held by secret vote
or by equivalent free voting procedure."
And Article 13(l) of the African Charter on Human and
Peoples Rights states as follows:
Every citizen shall have the right to participate freely in the
government of his country, either directly or through freely chosen
representatives in accordance with the provisions of the law
It is
clear that both the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the African
Charter on Human and Peoples Rights envisage a process where the will of the
people is given and a citizen freely participates in the Government of his
country through elections held by secret voting. We do not see how in terms of
the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the African Charter one can
freely participate directly in the election of the government of his country by
staying at home. Of course a person who does not exercise his right to vote
does not loose the right to vote but if he wants his vote to count and
influence the result he must exercise it. That is how in our judgment, participation in an election
is achieved in a democracy.
The
appellants challenge the interpretation of the lower court on the meaning of
word "'majority". They contend that in the interpretation of the word
"'majority" the learned judge should have read the dictionary meaning
conjunctively with the word "electorate". While the appellants agree
that the meaning of majority means "the greater number or part of
something, "most" and "the greater number or part" the
appellants contend that the true meaning of the word majority" in section
80(2) should be "the greater number or part of the electorate". But
the word "electorate" has its own meaning and what should be read
conjunctively is the meaning of majority and the meaning of the electorate. The
appellants have urged the court to be reluctant to interfere with the
provisions of the Constitution and especially where the plain meaning of the
word is clear. They contend that the words in section 80(2) are neither vague
nor ambiguous and that they clearly set out what is required before a candidate
in a presidential election can be declared President. We have looked at the
cases the appellants cited to us together
with the cases of the Government of the Republic of Bophuthatswana v
Segale [1990] ISA 434 and the case of the State v Mhlungu [1995] 7B.C.L.R.84,
The State v Zuma [1995] 4B.C.L.R 401, Matadeen v. Pointer [1998]3WL.R.18, the
State v Makwanyane [199516B.C.L.R.665, the A.G. v. Dow[1994] 6B.C.L.R.I. The
appellants have also referred to the attempted amendment of section 80(2) and
the statements which were made during the proposed
amendment. We have also been referred to the report of the Law Commission and
to the affidavits of certain mernbers of the National Consultative Conference.
The appellants have submitted that all these materials help to show what
meaning should be given to the provisions of section 80(2). We will deal with
the admissibility of these materials later in this judgment.
The
appellants have also urged us to consider the preamble to the Constitution and
the provisions of sections 8, 11,12 and 88. They contend that all these
sections show that the only meaning which can be put on the provisions of
section 80(2) is the one they are contending for in this appeal. They have
submitted that the value of national unity stated in section 88 (2) can only be
consistent with the plain meaning of section 80(2) which they contend for. Put
differently the appellants are saying that the President can provide executive
leadership in the interest of national unity only when he is elected by a
majority of fifty per cent plus one. The appellants laid great emphasis on the
interests of national unity but it is an argument that should not be pressed
too far. This Court can take Judicial notice of what has happened in the two
elections that have taken place in the recent past. It is clear that both the
1994 and 1999 elections were polarised on regional basis. There is, therefore
no guarantee that the requirement of the majority of fifty per cent plus one
would be spread evenly throughout the country to reflect the interest of
national unity. Would a presidential candidate who achieves fifty per cent plus
one majority and ill such votes coming substantially from one region place him
in a better position to provide executive leadership in the interests of
national unity than a candidate who obtains a majority of votes cast at the
poll spread evenly throughout the country? What is important in our judgment is
that a person elected to the office of Presidcnt must exercise his executive
authority in the interests of national unity and must not pander to regional
interests in whatever manner he is elected. The Constitution has provisions to
achieve national balance when the need arises. Section 80(5) of the
Constitution gives power to the President to appoint a second Vice President
from a different party where the President considers it desirable in the
national interest. We do not think that section 88 helps us in the
interpretation of section 80(2).
The respondents support the findings of the learned judge in the court below. They have submitted that on a proper construction what is required in section 80(2) is a majority of those actually voting. They have contended that Dr. Bakili Muluzi was supported in his 1999 elections by over fifty per cent of those actually voting. Alternatively the respondents have submitted that a candidate secures a majority in terms of section 80(2) if that candidate secures more votes than any candidate. They have comended, therefore, that even if what was required was a majority of those entitled to vote and not a majority of those actually voting Dr. Bakili Muluzi secured the necessary majority as he obtained more votes of those entitled to vote than did any other candidate. The respondents have submitted that if the appellants arguments were accepted there could be an endless series of inconclusive Presidential elections with the incumbent President remaining in office for an indefinite period. They have argued that this could not have been intended by the framers of the Constitution. The respondents have further submitted that there is no conflict between the provisions of section 80(2) of the Constitution and section 96(5) of the PPE Act. The respondents have attacked the appellants concentration on the one word ""electorate "In section 80(2) rather than interpreting section 80(2) as a whole because, in their view, a composite expression must be construed as a whole. The respondents have contended that the only purpose of putting the phrase "through direct universal and equal suffrage" in section 80(2) was to make it clear that the right to vote was to be "direct universal and equal". They have submitted that the Constitution as a whole makes it clear that the right to vote in a presidential election is to be "direct" because, they argue, there is no provision anywhere in the Constitution for any indirect method of electing the President. It does not provide for proxy or voting through electoral colleges. The respondents further submit that section 80(2) must be read in the context of the whole Constitution. The respondents have referred to the provisions of section 77 of the Constitution. This section makes provision as to who may be entitled to vote in any election. The respondents contend that the provisions of section 77 make it clear that entitlement to vote in a presidential election is conditional and qualified.
The
issue before us is to interpret section 80(2) of the Constitution and to decide
whether there is a conflict between the provisions of that section and the
provisions of section 96(5) of the PPE Act. Section 9 of the Constitution gives
the courts the responsibility of interpreting, protecting and enforcing the
Constitution and all laws in accordance with the Constitution. Courts must
exercise that responsibility in an independent and impartial manner with regard
only to legally relevant facts and the law. In its traditional role the court's
function is to declare and apply the law as it exists. The court merely
reflects what the Legislature has said in the. Act of Parliament and tries to
give effect to it by investing it with meaning and content. We have stated this
principle in order to keep it constantly before us and to remind us that our
duty in this case is to give effect to the intentions of the framers of the
Constitution and declare what they intended should be the meaning when they
enacted section 80(2).
Section 80 of the Constitution is in the following terms
and for our purposes we will only reproduce two provisions namely section 80(l)
and section 80(2). Section 80(l) provides as follows:
"The President shall be elected in accordance with the provisions
of this Constitution in such manner as may be prescribed by Act of Parliament
and, save where this Constitution provides otherwise, the ballot in a
Presidential election shall take place concurrently with the general election
for members of the National Assembly as prescribed by section 67(1)"
And sub-section 2, and this is what concerns us in the
appeal, provides as follows:
"The President shall be elected by a majority of the electorate
through direct, universal and equal suffrage"
There
are preliminary observations we would like to make on the ,vliole of Section
80. First it is a provision relating to the election of the President. The word
"elect" is defined by the Concise Oxford Dictionary as
"'select", '(chosen to office") ""choose," "choose
person by vote". It is therefore clear that section 80(1) of the
Constitution is giving people of Malawi the opportunity to choose a candidate
to the office of President. The second point we would like to make is that the
section makes it clear that the election of or choosing a President will be
through the exercise of the right to vote suffrage. It is clear that the
section does not admit the element of voting by proxy or through electoral
colleges as is done in other countries. The third point we would like to make
is the meaning of the word "'ballot" In Section 80(l). That word is
defined by the Concise Oxford Dictionary as meaning ""(usually
secret) voting, votes so recorded," ""give vote"
"'select" officials by ballot". Again here the section is
envisaging people giving their votes and selecting officials through their
voting. The fourth point we would like to make is that section 80 also
envisages that there will be an Act of Parliament which will set out the manner
in which the election will be conducted. And that Act is the PPE Act.
Section
96(5) of the PPE Act is In the following terms.
"Subject to the Act in any election the candidate who has obtained
a majority of the votes at the poll shall be declared by the Commission to have
been duly elected."
It is important that we should look
at this point at the provisions of section 6 of the Constitution which was
cited to us because it has, in our judgment some direct relevance to the
provisions of section 80(2) which we have just looked at. Section 6 of the
Constitution provides as follows:
"Save as otherwise provided in the
Constitution, the authority to govern derives from the people of Malawi as
expressed through universal and equal suffrage in elections held in accordance
with this Constitution in a manner prescribed by an Act of Parliament."
There are two points to observe on the section. The authority to govern must be definitely stated by the people and cannot be given by implication. The word "express" used in the Section is defined by the Concise Oxford Dictionary as meaning "definitely stated and not merely implied" and the expression must be done through election. In other words, the people must choose through the process of an election which people should be given authority to govern them. And section 6 envisages that there will be an Act of Parliament which prescribes the manner in which the election will be held. There is no other Act of Parliament which prescribes the manner of conducting elections except the PPE Act.
In the
case of Fred Nseula v Attorney General and the Malawi Congress Party MSCA Civil
Appeal No. 32 of 1997 this Court set down what we considered were principles
that should govern the interpretation of our Constitution. We stated in that
case that a Constitution requires principles of interpretation suitable to its
nature and character. We said that a Malawi Court must first recognise the
character and nature of our Constitution before interpreting any of its
provisions. We said and we repeat it in this case that the purpose of
interpreting any legal document is to give full effect to what Parliament
intended and we cannot give full effect to that intention unless we first
appreciate the character and nature of our Republican Constitution. We held in
that case that the present Republican Constitution is an amalgam of the
Parliamentary and Presidential Systems of Government and that we must take care
in interpreting it so that a careful balance between these Systems of
Government is achieved. We have to consider the traditions and usages which
have been given to the meanings of the language used in Parliamentary and
Presidential Systems of Government. We further held in the Nseula case that the
traditions usages and conventions which are a common feature in a Parliamentary
System of government are given greater prominence in our Constitution than
those of a Presidential System of Government.
As we said in Nseula's case one provision of the
Constitution cannot be isolated from all others. All the provisions bearing
upon a particular subject must be brought to bear and to be so interpreted as
to effectuate the general purpose of the Constitution. A Constitution is a
single document and every part of it must be considered as far as it is
relevant to get the true meaning and intent of any part of the Constitution. The
Constitution must be considered as a whole and to ensure that its provisions do
not destroy but sustain each other. This means, therefore, that in construing
the provisions of section 80(2) we must look at the whole Constitution and see
whether there are similar provisions used and to see if they can be read to
sustain and not destroy each other. We must give a meaning to this section
which respects and effectuates the general purpose of the Constitution.
Parliament is presumed not to intend an absurdity and the interpretation we
ascribe to a provision must avoid an absurd result. We must give the words used
their clear meaning.
What
then is the meaning to be given to the provisions of section 80(2) of the
Constitution. We have carefully considered the detailled submissions made to us
by Counsel for all the parties and we are grateful to them all. We have
carefully studied and analysed in particular detail the actual words used in
the Section.
We must now deal with the issue of admissibility of the materials which were put before us to help us, so it was contended, arrive at a correct and proper meaning of section 80(2). Mr. Stanbrook referred to the materials and statements made during the attempted amendment of section 80(2). He also referred us to the Report of the Law Commission. These materials were put before us to show first what ought to be the meaning of section 80(2) and secondly to show that there was a conflict between the provisions of that section and section 96(5) of the PPE Act. It should be observed that the materials do not provide an agreed meaning of section 80(2). Mr. Stanbrook submitted that the Court should not strictly observe the rules of evidence on the admissibility of the materials. He cited no authority for that proposition. We find it difficult to see how some of the statements which were made on the attempted amendment could be regarded as evidence of the meaning of section 80(2). Those statements in our view represent the opinion of the persons who made them and cannot be regarded as authoritative statements on the meaning of section 80(2). The Law Commission Report -while due respect ought to be given to it, there too, the Report can only represent the opinion of the Commission. We recognise and can take judicial notice of the fact that some members of the Law Commission were among the framers of the present Constitution. It is interesting however to note what Lord Halsbury, Lord Chancellor said in the case of Hilder v Dexter [1902]A.C 474 at 477. In that case Lord Halsbury abstained from delivering his judgment because the case concerned an Act he had drafted himself.
He
said:-
"I have more than once had occasion to say that in constructing a
statute I believe the worst person to consider it is the person who is
responsible for its drafting. He is very much disposed to confuse what he
intended to do with the effect of the language which in fact has been employed.
At the time he drafted the statute, at all events, he may have been under the
impression that be had given full effect to what was intended, but he may be
mistaken in considering it afterwards first because what was in his mind was
what was intended though, perhaps, it was not done."
That statement in our judgment can, with respect, apply
with equal validity to members who took part in the drafting of the
Constitution. Caution was also sounded in the South African case of the State v
Makwanyane & Another [1995] 3 SA391 on what weight should be given to the
opinion of the public. The President of the Constitutional Court sounded the
caution as follows:
"Public
opinion may have some reverence to the inquiry but by itself, is no
substitute for the duty vested in the
courts to interpret the Constitution and to uphold its provisions without fear
or favour. If public opinion were to be decisive, there would be no need for
constitutional adjudication."
And again there is in the same case the following passage
by Justice Kriegler when he says:-
"The issue is
not whether I favour the retention or abolition of the death penalty, nor
whether this Court, Parliament or even I overwhelming public opinion supports
the one or other view. The question is what the Constitution says about
it."
We have had the advantage which members of the
Constitutional Consultative Conference, Members of Parliament and Members of
the Law Commission including members of the Electoral Commission did not have.
We have received submission from very competent Counsel and we have had the
opportunity of considering cases from different jurisdictions. There is
therefore sufficient relevant material before us to give a reasoned judgment on
the meaning of the provisions of section 80(2). It is therefore this Court's
responsibility having looked at the whole Constitution and relevant authorities
to say what meaning should be ascribed to the provisions of section 80(2). We
have already observed that the provisions of section 80 as a whole relate to
the election of the President.
We must
now consider who is entitled to take part in that election. Section 77 of the Constitution
makes provision on who I II be eligible to vote in any general election,
by-election, presidential election and Local Government elections. There can be
no doubt that the right to vote in any General Election or Presidential
Election is qualified. For any person to be eligible to vote he must be
registered in the appropriate constituency after satisfying the residential and
other requirements. It should be remembered that the provisions of section 77
do not impose any obligation to vote but merely gives the right to vote and to
claim that right one must register. Against this background it is therefore not
possible, in the absence 'of compulsory registration or compulsory voting, that
every person in Malawi who is entitled to vote would do so. In this sense the
right to vote cannot be universal. While the right to vote is available to
every Malawian it can only be claimed by those who care to register and vote.
Indeed we find it difficult to see how compulsory registration and compulsory
voting would be enforced.
We would now like to consider the alleged conflict between
& provisions of section 80(2) of the Constitution and section 96(5) of the
f'PE Act. The appellants have conceded that section 96(5) of the PPE Act
provides for the first-past-the-post system but contend that section 80(2)
makes no such provision and hence the alleged conflict. The appellants have
submitted that there is an important time element in the relationship between
the Constitution and the PPE Act. The Constitution provisionally came into
force immediately following the polling day of the first multiparty election in
May 1994. The PPE Act had been implemented earlier to provide the basic
framework for the elections. The appellants submitted that a special
transitional provision was inserted in the Constitution to authorise the use of
the first-past-the-post system set in PPE Act. Section 202 of the Constitution
provides as follows:
"For the purposes of this Constitution the first President after the date of commencement of this Constitution shall be the person successfully elected in accordance with the Act of Parliament then in force for the election of a person to the office of President."
And
section 201 makes similar provisions for the election of mernbers of Parliament
while section 200 saves all laws in force except those inconsistent with the
Constitution.
It is the contention of the appellants that the section
96(5) of the PPE Act would only be used for the 1994 election and that
thereafter its provisions would have to be read in conjunction with the
Constitution and in particular section 80(2). The appellants have contended as
we have already observed that because the Electoral Commission had recognised
that there was a conflict between the provision of section 96(5) of the PPE Act
and section 80(2) they should have resolved that conflict by reference to the
Constitution and not to the PPE Act.
We observe that Sections 201 and 202 are merely
transitional provisions. There was need, in our judgment, through these transitional
provisions to show who was to be the first President and the first Members of
Parliament under the new Constitution because the elections had taken place
before the Constitution came into force. We do not see how these transitional
provisions can help us on the construction of section 80(2). Nor do we see how
section 196 of the Constitution which deals with amendments to the entrenched
sections of the Constitution Can throw light On the construction of section
80(2). We have also looked at the repealed section 64 of the Constitution. That
section was addressing a different set of circumstances. That section
specifically defined the quantity of constituents that were required to recall
a Member of Parliament. It did not contemplate an election to recall a Member
of Parliament. There was no element of voting and it cannot help on the
construction of section 80(2).
When the Constitution came into force the PPE Act continued to be a valid legislation and continues to be so to this day. It has not been repealed. It is clear therefore that if the intention was that it should only apply to the 1994 elections it would have said so and in our View when the Constitution came into force section 96(5) Would have been amended. It continues to be in force up to today. section 80(l) provides that the President will be elected in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution and in such manner as may be prescribed by an Act of Parliament. It is clear to us that this section envisages that there will be an Act of Parliament which will enact the manner in which the calculations of the election will be made. That Act of Parliament, in our judgment, is the PPE Act. It sets out the procedure and the technical manner in which the President will be considered elected. We are unable to find any real or apparent conflict between section 80(2) and section 96(5) of the PPE Act. And as we have already observed section 80(1) of the Constitution envisages that there will be an Act of Parliament which will prescribe the manner in which the President will be elected. The PPE Act is such Act of Parliament and we can see nothing in it which can be considered as being in conflict with anything in section 80(2).
We have, as we must do under the principles of interpretation as laid down in the Nseula case, considered the provision of section 80(2) in the context of the whole section and in the context of the whole Constitution. We have particularly considered the sections of the Constitution in which the word ""majority" is used in order for us to ensure that the meaning we ascribe to section 80(2) effectuates the general purpose of the Constitution. The manner in which the word majority is used in section 80(2) is not different from the way it is used in the other sections in the Constitution. In Section 49(2)(1) it is used in the following way: "........passed by a majority of the National Assembly; or "passed by a majority of the Senate" section 49(2)(iii). In section 53(l) it is used in the following way: "The Speaker of the National Assembly, or the Speaker of the Senate "shall be elected by the majority vote". In section 73(3) it is used in the following manner. "If the Bill is debated again and passed by a majority of the National Assembly".
We have looked at decided cases both in the United States
and the United Kingdom. These cases recognise the principle that where a
majority is required before a particular course of action is taken the word
majority should be interpreted as requiring a majority of those voting and not
those entitled to vote. It was held that a different interpretation would mean
that those who have not voted will in effect be treated as voting against the
candidate that has the support of the largest number of those who have chosen
to vote. In an open democratic society electors are expected to go out and
publicly exercise their right to vote. It would be against the values of an
open democratic society to suggest that the vote of those entitled to vote but
have not exercised it should be taken into account in the result of the
election. It would amount, in our view to giving the right to invalidate a poll
to those people who have chosen not to cast their vote. One of the essential
features of a Parliamentary democracy is that the minority must accept the decision
of the majority. In the case of Federal Supreme Court in Virginia Railway Co. V
System Federation No. 40 300 US 513 decided in 1936 the court said:
"Election
laws providing for approval of a proposal by a specified majority of an
electorate have generally been construed as requiring only the consent of the
specified majority of those
participating in
the election Those who do not
participate "'are
presumed to assent to the expressed will of the majority of those
voting." (Cass. County v Johnston 95 us 360, 369 ... We see no reason for
supposing that section 2 was intended to adopt a different rule. If, in
addition to participation by a majority of a craft, the vote of the majority of
those eligible is necessary for a choice an indifferent minority could prevent
the resolution of a contest, and thwart the purpose of the Act."
And in
the case of Chapel at al v Allen at al 334 Mich 176, 54 NW 2d 209 (1952) the
Supreme Court of Michigan stated:
"In the absence of a statutory provision to the contrary, voters
not attending the election or not voting on the matter submitted are presumed
to assent to the expressed will of those attending and voting and are not to be
taken into consideration in determining the result. It is generally held that
the term ""qualified voter" in a provision as to the proportion
of voter necessary for the adoption of a measure refers, not to those qualified
and entitled to vote but to those qualified and actually voting.
We have
also looked at the case in the Court of Appeal in the U.K in Knowles v
Zoological Society of London which is to the same effect.
Section 80(2) is for the election of the President and that President shall be elected by a majority of the electorate "'through direct universal and equal suffrage". To elect means "to choose," "to choose to office" and we do not see how a person can choose sornebody to office without exercising the right to choose. As we have already observed section 6 of the Constitution envisages that the people of Malawi will definitely state through elections who should have the authority to govern them. Section 6 does not permit giving that authority to govern by simply staying at home without exercising the right to vote. We have searched in vain to find A single democratic country -where the votes of those people who did not exercise their right to vote is taken into account in the declaration of an election of a President. It is our considered view that the word "electorate" as used in section 80(2) can only mean those electors who have directly taken part In the process of all election. Any other interpretation would produce the absurd result that people can still be considered of having taken part in the election even though they did not bother to cast their vote and such result in our view would not promote the values of a democratic society. In our view the interpretation which the appellants are contending for raise a number of imponderables and some of them patently absurd. If the votes not cast are to be included in the word "electorate" how do you apportion them between the candidates; and which of those votes are going to be regarded as spoilt and therefore null and void; how arc you going to apportion the votes of dead voters. We find it extraordinary that it is being seriously argued that votes of people who have not voted have equal value with the votes of those who have actually exercised their right to vote. The vote which has value in an election is the one which is to be counted. People must exercise their vote if it Is to be counted.
The
word "electorate" as used in section 80(2) means and in our judgment
can only mean the electors who actually take part in the elect ion, We cannot
see how that finding can be wrong both in principle and law. The practice in
democracies is that only votes which have been cast and C-ire not void arc
counted in democratic elect Ions.
We have looked at other sections in the Constitution where
the word "majority" is used and in particular we have looked at
sections 49(l)(2) 53(l), and 73(3). The appellants did not contend that the use
of the word "majority" in these sections means fifty percent plus
One. If that is their position why should the word "majority" in
section 80(2) mean something different. We have already observed that
provisions in the Constitution must be interpreted in a manner which sustain
rather than destroy each other. We find that the word "majority" as
used in the Constitution' means "the greater number or part" and that
is the general sense in which the word is used In the Constitution.
Our duty in interpreting the Constitution is to give effect
to the general purpose of the Constitution. We find that the phrases
"direct, universal and equal" qualify the word "suffrage"
the right, to vote. That right to vote must therefore be used directly by
actually casting the vote.
The provision that requires a Presidential candidate to obtain fifty percent plus one before he is duly elected is a major constitutional provision which cannot be left to be implied. It is a provision which must be expressly provided for in an unequivocal terms. And the Constitution must make the further provision on what will happen if the expressed majority is not achieved. In other Words the Constitution should make express provision for second ballots and how they are to be conducted. The fact that the framers of the Constitution did not provide for second ballots shows that they were satisfied that any presidential elections conducted in pursuant to section 80(2) will always produce a successful candidate. This is the position in democratic countries where there is provision for direct election as we have in Malawi. The Presidential candidate is only required to achieve a majority of votes cast and not a majority of those entitled to vote.
We have looked at the Constitutions of Uganda, Namibia,
South Africa and France. In Uganda the Constitution provides that a
presidential candidate shall not be declared elected President unless he or she
has secured more than fifty percent of the valid votes cast at the election and
it further makes provision for a second ballot within thirty days if the first
election does not produce a candidate with the required votes. Similarly in
Namibia the Constitution provides that no person shall be elected as President
unless he or she has received more than fifty percent of the votes cast and
further ballots will be necessary until a President is elected. In South Africa
provision is made for several ballots where candidates with lowest number of
votes are eliminated until a majority is reached. In Francc the Constitution
provides that a President shall be elected by an absolute majority of the votes
cast and there is provision for a second ballot which must be held the
following Sunday but one. It is interesting to note that in all the three
countries of Uganda, Namibia and France the majority of votes required is fifty
percent of the votes cast and not those entitled to vote.
The Appellants appear to concide that their interpretation is liable to result in inconclusisive elections but they suggest that such results could be remedied by pushing in legislation to provide for second ballots soon after the General Elections. It must be remembered that a new parliament will have just been elected when such inconclusive Presidential result would have occurred. The difficulties of summoning a new Parlianient and the difficulty of predicting how the new Parliament would vote on the proposed legislation make the suggestion clearly unrealistic. It is our Judgment that the meaning to be ascribed to section 80(2) as presently stated and the context in which that word is used in other parts of the Constitution and having regard to the general purpose of the Constitution can only mean that the word "majority" means "a number greater than" a number achieved by any other candidate. And it can on1y further mean the greater number of those electors who actually voted in the elections. We searched for a democratic country and none was cited to us where it provides that a presidential candidate in order to be elected President must receive majorlty of votes of those entitled to vote. While Constitutions will vary from country to country to put that interpretation on section 80(2) would make Malawi unique in the democratic world.
We are satisfied and we find that
the learned judge in the lower court was right in finding that the proper
majority was of the voters who voted and had therefore directly taken part in
the presidential election. The Electoral Commission was therefore right in
declaring Dr. Bakili Muluzi as duly elected. This appeal must therefore fall
with costs.
PRONOUNCED in open Court this 23rd day of October, 2000,
at Blantyre.
Sgd R. A. BANDA, CJ
Sgd UNYOLO, CJ
Sgd MTEGHA, JA
Sgd D. G. TAMBALA, JA
Sgd A. S. E. MSOSA, JA